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ÃÊ·Ï Interpretations of Dependent Variables in Donkey Sentences À± ¿µ Àº (ÀÌÈ¿©ÀÚ´ëÇб³)
´ç³ª±Í ¹®Àå (donkey sentence)ÀÌ ºñ´ëĪ µ¶ÇØ (asymmetric reading)¸¦ ¹ÞÀ» °æ¿ì¿¡ ¹ß»ýÇÏ´Â ÀÇÁ¸ º¯Ç× (dependent variable)ÀÇ ÇØ¼® ¹®Á¦´Â Heim (1982)¿¡ ÀÇÇØ °üÂûµÈ ÀÌ·¡, Kadmon (1987, 1990), Rooth (1987), Neale (1990a, b), Chierchia (1992), Kanazawa (1992, 1994), Barker (1992, 1993, 1996) µî¿¡ ÀÇÇØ À̸¦ ¼³¸íÇØ ÁÖ´Â ¿©·¯ À̷еéÀÌ Á¦¾ÈµÇ¾î ¿Ô´Ù. ÀÌ·¯ÇÑ »óȲ¿¡¼ ÃÖ±Ù ÀÌ·¯ÇÑ ÀÇÁ¸ º¯Ç×ÀÇ ÇØ¼® ¹®Á¦¿¡ ´ëÇÑ À̷еéÀ» ÅëÇÕÀûÀ¸·Î ¼³¸íÇØ ÁÖ´Â ³í¹®À» Krifka (1994, 1996)°¡ ¹ßÇ¥Çߴµ¥, ±×´Â ÀÌ ³í¹®¿¡¼ Rooth (1987), Kanazawa (1994), Barker (1993), Yoon (1994, 1996)ÀÇ À̷еéÀ» Áß½ÉÀ¸·Î 'pragmatic strengthening'À̶ó´Â °³³äÀ¸·Î ÀÌ Çö»óÀ» ¼³¸íÇÏ·Á Çϰí ÀÖ´Ù. Áï ±×´Â Rooth¿Í KanazawaÀÇ ¾çÈ»çÀÇ 'monotonicity'¿¡ ±Ù°ÅÇÑ ¼³¸í, BarkerÀÇ 'domain narrowing'À̶ó´Â È¿ëÀû °³³ä¿¡ ±Ù°ÅÇÑ ¼³¸í, YoonÀÇ ¼¼ú¾îÀÇ Æ¯¼º¿¡ ±Ù°ÅÇÑ ¼³¸í µîÀ» ±Ù°£À¸·Î ÇÏ¿©, ¾ð¾î »ç¿ëÀÚ´Â È¿ëÀûÀ¸·Î °Çؼ® (strong reading)À» ±âº»ÀûÀ¸·Î ¾ò´Â´Ù´Â ÀÌ·ÐÀ» Á¦¾ÈÇϰí ÀÖ´Ù. º» ¹ßÇ¥¿¡¼´Â ÀÇÁ¸ º¯Ç×ÀÇ °Çؼ®°ú ¾àÇØ¼® Çö»óÀ»
¿©·¯ ÇÐÀÚµéÀÇ ÀÌ·ÐÀ» Áß½ÉÀ¸·Î °³°üÇϰí, Krifka (1994, 1996)¿Í Yoon
(1996)ÀÇ ³í¹®À» ±Ù°£À¸·Î ÇÏ¿© ÀÌ ¾ð¾î Çö»óÀ» °¡Àå Àß ¼³¸íÇØ ÁÙ ¼ö
ÀÖ´Â ÇØ´äÀ» ¸ð»öÇØ º¸·Á ÇÑ´Ù. <Âü°í ¹®Çå> Krifka, Manfred (1994) "'Weak' and 'Strong' Interpretations of Donkey Sentences and Predications on Sum Individuals," presented at the conference "Recent Developments in Semantic Theory" in Blaubeuren, Germany, The University of T
bingen. Krifka, Manfred (1996) "Pragmatic Strengthening in Plural Predications and Donkey Sentences," Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistics Theory VI, Cornell University. Yoon, YoungEun (1996) "Total and Partial Predicates and the Weak and Strong Interpretations," Natural Language Semantics
4.3, 217-236. ÀÚÀ¯ÃÊÁ¡ ±¸¹®¿¡¼ÀÇ ÃÊÁ¡ÇÙ °áÁ¤¿ø¸®¿¡ ´ëÇÏ¿© ÀÌ ¹Î Çà (¿¬¼¼´ëÇб³) ÀÌ ¹ßÇ¥¿¡¼´Â Çѱ¹¾î¿Í µ¶ÀϾîÀÇ ÀÚÀ¯ÃÊÁ¡ ±¸¹®¿¡¼ÀÇ
ÃÊÁ¡ÇÙ °áÁ¤¿ø¸®¿¡ ´ëÇÏ¿© ³íÀÇÇÑ´Ù. ÀÚÀ¯ÃÊÁ¡ ±¸¹®Àº, ÃÊÁ¡¼ººÐÀ» °á¼ÓÇÏ´Â
¿ä¼Ò, °ð "-µµ", "-¸¸" µî ÃÊÁ¡ºÒº¯È»ç (Ư¼öÁ¶»ç)°¡
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°á¼ÓÇÏ´Â ¿ä¼Ò°¡ ¹®Àå³»¿¡ Á¸ÀçÇÏÁö ¾Ê´Â´Ù. ´ÙÀ½ÀÇ ¿¹ (1b-c)´Â Çѱ¹¾îÀÇ
ÀÚÀ¯ÃÊÁ¡ ±¸¹®ÀÌ´Ù. (1) a. ¹Î¼ö°¡ ¾îÁ¦ ¹«¾ùÀ» ÇßÁö? b. [F Áý¿¡¼ ½¬¾ú¾î¿ä]. c. [F ¿©ÀÚÄ£±¸ ¼ö¹Î°ú ¿µÈ¸¦ º¸¾Ò¾î¿ä]. À§ (1b-c)´Â Áú¹® (1a)¿¡ ´ëÇÑ ´äÀ¸·Î¼, ÆíÀÇ»ó [F .... ] ÀÇ Çü½ÄÀ¸·Î Ç¥±âµÈ ±¸¼º¼ººÐµéÀÌ, ´ãȻ󿡼 »õ·Î¿î Á¤º¸¸¦ ³ªÅ¸³»´Â ÃÊÁ¡¼ººÐÀ¸·Î ±â´ÉÇÑ´Ù. ¶ÇÇÑ Â£Àº ±Û¾¾·Î Ç¥±âµÈ, "Áý¿¡¼", "¿©ÀÚÄ£±¸" µîÀº ÃÊÁ¡¼ººÐµé³»¿¡¼ °¡Àå µÎµå·¯Áø °¼¼¸¦ Áö´Ñ ´Ü¾î·Î ÃÊÁ¡ÇÙ (Fokusexponent)À̶ó ºÒ¸°´Ù. ±×·±µ¥ º¹ÇÕÀûÀÎ ÃÊÁ¡¼ººÐ³»¿¡¼ ¾î¶² ´Ü¾î°¡ ÃÊÁ¡ÇÙÀÌ µÇ´Â°¡ ÇÏ´Â °ÍÀº º°µµÀÇ ¼³¸íÀ» ÇÊ¿ä·Î ÇÏ´Â ¹®Á¦ÀÌ´Ù. º¸´Ù ±¸Ã¼ÀûÀ¸·Î´Â ÃÊÁ¡ÇÙÀ» °áÁ¤ÇÏ´Â ¿äÀÎÀ» ÃÊÁ¡¼ººÐ³» ±¸¼º¼ººÐµé°£ÀÇ Åë»çÀûÀÎ °ü°è·Î º¸´Â ÀÔÀå°ú °³³äÀûÀÎ °ü°è·Î º¸´Â ÀÔÀå¿¡ µû¶ó ÃÊÁ¡ÇÙ °áÁ¤¿ø¸®¿¡ ´ëÇÏ¿© Å©°Ô µÎ °¡Áö È帧ÀÌ ´ë¸³°ü°è¸¦ ÀÌ·é´Ù. Selkirk (1984), Rochemont, v. Stechow/Uhmann, Uhmann µîÀÌ ³íÇ×±¸Á¶ (Argument Struktur)¿¡ ±â¹ÝÇÑ ÀüÀÚÀÇ ÀÔÀå¿¡ ¼±´Ù¸é, Chafe, Sasse, Fuchs, Jacobs µîÀº °³³ä±¸Á¶ (Konzeptuelle Struktur)¿¡ ±â¹ÝÀ» µÐ ÈÄÀÚÀÇ ÀÔÀåÀ» ´ëÇ¥ÇÑ´Ù. ÀÌ ¹ßÇ¥¿¡¼´Â Jacobs (1991, 1992)¿¡ ÀÇÇØ Á¦¾ÈµÇ¾îÁø
°³³ä±¸Á¶ ±â¹ÝÀÇ ÃÊÁ¡ÇÙ°áÁ¤ ÀÌ·ÐÀÌ, ¿µ¾î³ª µ¶ÀϾî¿Í ´Þ¸® Çٽɾî À§Ä¡¿¡
ÀÖ¾î Àϰü¼ºÀ» º¸ÀÌ´Â Çѱ¹¾î¿¡ Àû¿ëÇÒ ¼ö ÀÖ´ÂÁöÀÇ ¿©ºÎ¸¦ °ËÅäÇÑ ÈÄ¿¡,
ÀÌ ÀÌ·ÐÀ» ÇϳªÀÇ ¾ð¾î º¸ÆíÀÌ·ÐÀ¸·Î ¹ßÀü½Ã۱â À§ÇØ ÇÊ¿äÇÑ ¸Å°³º¯¼öȸ¦
½ÃµµÇØ º¸°íÀÚ ÇÑ´Ù. Are Negative Polarity Items Really Licensed? ÀÌ ¿¹ ½Ä (°æºÏ´ëÇб³) This talk is about the so-called licensing problem in the literature on negative polarity items (henceforth NPIs). Traditionally, NPIs have been treated as being licensed by some linguistic context(s). Almost all of the previous analyses of NPIs have been dedicated to accounting for the context(s). However, none of them are perfectly successful as Krifka (1995) shows. Neither syntactic (Progovac 1993) nor semantic (Ladusaw 1979, Zwarts 1993) analyses can provide a successful explanation of the licensing context(s). The reason seems to be that the licensing contexts are too many to be captured by one single notion, say, "downward entailment" or "binding" by a negative item which c-commands the NPI. In this talk, I try to approach the problem from
the opposite direction. That is, I would like to assume that NPIs
are not passively licensed by some item but actively contribute
to building up expressions bearing an emphatic flavor. The following
data are convincing enough to enable us to hold such an assumption.
(i) a. Did John eat an apple or a pear? b. Did anyone eat an apple or a pear? (ii)a. #Grass isn't green because it has any chlorophyll. b. George doesn't starve his cat because he has
any love for her. The matter of NPIs' being licensed is irrelevant
with regard to the above data, but each is forced to have a particular
reading only. It is safe to say that the forcing factor is the presence
of an NPI. Specifically, only a yes-no question reading is possible for (i-b) while either of
yes-no and alternative
questions is possible for (i-a). As for the data given in (ii),
the presence of an NPI in the because-clause forces the wide-scope reading of the negation.
From such an assumption, I will argue that an expression with an
NPI conveys an emphatic illocutionary force, otherwise it fails
to be a felicitous expression. For this, I will present empirical
data from English and Korean which show that expressions with an
NPI are an emphatic expression. Furthermore, I will explicitly define
the condition of emphatic force for different speech-act types (i.e.
assertion, question, permission, and command). References Krifka, M. (1995) "The Semantics and Pragmatics of Polarity Items," Linguistic Analysis 25:209-257. Ladusaw, W. (1979) Polarity Sensitivity as Inherent Scope Relations, Doctoral Dissertation, UT at Austin. Progovac, L. (1993) "Negative Polarity: Entailment and Binding," Linguistics and Philosophy 16: 149-180. Zwarts, F. (1993) "Three Types of Polarity,"
Unpublished ms., University of Gronigen. ¡ß 1997Çг⵵ Á¦2Çб⠿¬±¸
¹ßǥȸ °èȹ (Çѱ¹¾ð¾îÁ¤º¸ÇÐȸ): Á¦
35È£ ÀϽÃ: 9/20 (Åä) 9:30, 10/20 (¿ù) 18:00, 11/15 (Åä) 14:00, 12/13 (Åä) 9:30 Àå¼Ò: ´ë¿ìÀç´Ü ºôµù (¼¿ï¿ª ¾Õ ´ë¿ì ºôµù µÚ) ¼¼¹Ì³ª½Ç
(´Ü, 11¿ù 15ÀÏÀº Á¶¼±´ë¿¡¼) ¹ßÇ¥ ½Ã°£: ±âȹ ³í¹®/°ÀÇ--60ºÐ, ÀÏ¹Ý ³í¹®--40ºÐ
9¿ù 20ÀÏ (Åä), 9:30 a.m. ±âȹ: À±¿µÀº (ÀÌÈ¿©´ë) "Interpretations of Dependent Variables in Donkey Sentences" ÀϹÝ: À̹ÎÇà (¿¬¼¼´ë) "ÀÚÀ¯ÃÊÁ¡ ±¸¹®¿¡¼ÀÇ ÃÊÁ¡ÇÙ °áÁ¤¿ø¸®¿¡ ´ëÇÏ¿©" ÀϹÝ: ÀÌ¿¹½Ä (°æºÏ´ë) "Are Negative Polarity
Items Really Licensed?" 10¿ù 20ÀÏ (¿ù), 6:00 p.m. ±âȹ: Steven Lapointe (UC-Davis) TBA ±âȹ: À±Çý¼® (¼¿ï´ë) "Mixed Categories and
the Lexical Integrity Principle" 11¿ù 15ÀÏ (Åä), 2:00 p.m. (Àå¼Ò: Á¶¼±´ëÇб³) ±âȹ: °Á¤±¸ (KAIST) "°ü°èÀû °üÁ¡À¸·Î¼ÀÇ ½ÃÁ¦¿Í »ó: KleinÀÇ À̷аú ÀÀ¿ë" ±âȹ: ¹é¹ÌÇö (Ãæ³²´ë) "Çѱ¹¾î Á¢¹Ì»ç -ÀÌÀÇ ±â´É °íÂû" ÀϹÝ: ·ùº´·¡ (¼¿ï´ë) "Middles in the Constraint-based Lexicon" ÀϹÝ: ÀÌÀÍȯ, ¿°ÀçÀÏ (¿¬¼¼´ë) "Common Grounds
as Multiple Information States" 12¿ù 13ÀÏ (Åä), 9:30 a.m. ±âȹ: À¯ÀºÁ¤ (¼¿ï´ë) "Wh-interrogatives and a Theory of Quantification" ÀϹÝ: È«¹ÎÇ¥ (¸íÁö´ë) "A Pragmatic Analysis of Quantificational Force in Wh-phrases" ÀϹÝ: äÈñ¶ô (Çѱ¹¿Ü´ë) "Syntactic Criteria for Predicate Nominals" ÀϹÝ: ÀÌÁ¤¹Î (¼¿ï´ë) "Numerals, Numeral
Classifiers and Numeral NPIs" # ´ë¿ìÀç´Ü ºôµùÀÇ ÁÖÂ÷ÀåÀÌ Çù¼ÒÇϰí ÁÖÂ÷±Ç ¹ß±ÞÀÌ
ÇÑÁ¤µÇ¾î ÀÖ»ç¿À´Ï (5¸Å), °¡±ÞÀû ´ëÁß ±³Åë ¼ö´ÜÀ» ÀÌ¿ëÇÏ¿© ÁֽʽÿÀ.
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